Hoofprints of the Past Museum
344 Nolan Avenue * P.O. Box 114
Kaycee, WY, 82639

Phone: 1 (307) 738-2381 * E-mail: curator@hoofprintsofthepast.org

Indian Wars

Dull-Knife Battle

November 25, 1876

The Dull Knife Battlefield property has been in the Graves family for several generations and they have treated the historical importance of their land with the utmost respect and protection.

The battlefield lies in a beautiful valley. During scheduled tours Cheri Graves, historian and geologist, is quick to point out the amazing geology of the region and how it both aided and hindered both sides during the battle. A beautiful creek abounding with native trout bounces back and forth across the floor of the valley. Thickets of native deciduous and conifers grow unmanaged along the creek.

Experience the Dull Knife Battle by joining us on our annual tour!

Overview

It had been a hot and miserable summer. The nation's centennial celebration had been marred by the news that Custer and more than 210 of his men had been killed in a battle with the Sioux and Northern Cheyenne in a remote area know as Little Bighorn. The nation was shocked and called for immediate retribution. Little if any consideration was given to the broken promises and treaties of the white man - the cause of the "Great Sioux Wars".

Chief Dull Knife

Traditional enemies of allied Cheyenne and Sioux - names such as the Pawnee and Crow - took up arms with the soldiers. Colonel Ranald McKenzie, whom at the close of the Civil War had been referred to by General Grant as "the most promising young officer in the Army", had been placed in charge of the 4th Cavalry. McKenzie, loved by his men, had gained a reputation as one of the nation's greatest Indian fighters with victories in Texas and in the Red River War on the Southern Plains. On August 17, 1876 Mackenzie and the 4th were transferred to the Red Cloud Agency in Nebraska to manage captured Sioux. But in October he was directed to march north with General Crook, his commanding officer, to locate Crazy Horse. There were many skirmishes between troops and Indians during the summer months at places such as Warbonnet Creek, Spring Creek and Cedar Creek. The intent of the Army was containment but there was little hesitation to use deadly force among not only native warriors, but women and children as well.

It started off as a warmer than usual late fall. On November 14th, 1876 Crooks troops departed Ft. Fetterman, Wyoming for Ft. Reno. In route, General Crook received word from his scouts that a large Cheyenne camp in central Wyoming, not far from present day site of Kaycee, Wyoming. Crook immediately directed Colonel McKenzie to round up the Cheyenne at all cost and march them back to Fort Reno. During the march to the encampment, the weather become brutally cold.

Chief Dull Knife and his people had chosen a remote and beautiful valley in which to winter. The hills were alive with game, and trout were abundant in the Red Fork which crisscrossed the valley floor. It was possible that white men had never seen this valley before. In fact, this was not a normal winter home of the Cheyenne and so appeared secure from the hounding soldiers. The Cheyenne must have wondered who previously had left tepee circles scattered all over the fields. Unknown native brothers had camped there for perhaps several thousand years.

For the most part, recent times had been the better times of overall bad times. With their brothers the Sioux, the Cheyenne had won a decisive victory at Little Bighorn Valley when General Reno had first attacked women picking roots. The Sioux and Cheyenne had not planned the attack - it had just happened. Just a few years earlier, Custer had bravely walked into a Minnesota Cheyenne camp and promised that if the Cheyenne agreed to go to the Black Hills, they would be protected from soldiers and settlers. But that promise was broken when yellow rock was found in the Black Hills. No one trusted Custer and now he was dead.

But Dull Knife suspected that the soldiers might be aware they camped in this valley. He only hoped that the winter months and the remoteness would dissuade them from attacking. Tonight the camp would celebrate. In a skirmish with Pawnees just days before, more than 15 scalps had been taken. Even though the weather was worsening and Dull Knife had advised against it, Last Bull, another Cheyenne leader, chose to maintain tradition and celebrate their victory. Uncharacteristic of the Cheyenne, few men maintained lookout. Just before dawn, celebrations began to subside and most families removed their clothing and went to bed.

It was an excruciating march for the soldiers. They trudged all night, straight thru rugged terrain and box canyons barely wide enough for a single column. Most of the rough country was experienced in pitch dark with worsening weather. In the early morning hours of November 17th, solders could hear the distant celebration of songs and drums.

Just as daylight was breaking and the celebration had subsided, Mackenzie and his men charged the camp. For the most part it was a total surprise. Women and children screamed and cried. The sounds of rifles firing sounded like hundreds of cannons. Most Cheyenne ran and fought naked in frigid temperatures. Immediately the warriors tried to gather and send the women and children, still naked, into the hills nearby the valley. When the Pawnee scouts saw the women and children flee, they began to persu e with the intent of massacre. Upon seeing this, Colonel McKenzie placed solders between the Pawnee and innocents. McKenzie was opposed to indiscriminate killing and had no intention of wiping out the village.

Looking across the Dull Knife Battlefield.

Sometime about noon, the battle ended with about seven soldiers and twenty-five Cheyenne killed and many more wounded. Efforts were made to round up the warriors, women and children that escaped into the hills with no progress. This is when the real tragedy of the battle began. In an effort to escape, the refugees attempted to trudge north to meet up with the Sioux. Unfortunately the temperatures dropped to 40 degrees below zero. Many of those injured as well as women and children froze to death. Many were still naked to the elements. Stories were past down of the few ponies they possessed being cut open so that women and children could climb in to survive.

After days and weeks of walking, the few survivors made their way to the Sioux encampment. But for all practical purposes, the way of the Cheyenne died in those fields. Eventually, the Sioux and Cheyenne were rounded up and sent onto reservations with little regard for signed treaties of the past.


Soldier Accounts of the Dull-Knife Battle

From the perspective of the charging soldiers and scouts, most of the Northern Cheyenne village lay to the south of the eastward flowing Red Fork. Smoke curled up from the tipis, which, arranged in an ellipse, stretched for nearly one half mile along the thickly fringed banks of willow and cottonwood trees. In the frosty morning light the soldiers could discern steep, sturdy, redstone hillsides on the northern and southern flanks of the village. On the west, the terrain sloped gently toward the surrounding mountains.

Just before the white men and their Indian allies heard the command to charge, Lieutenant John Bourke later recalled, "all the discontent and disquietude engendered during that night of cold and anxiety came . . . our eyes nervously scanned the battlements behind which hostile sharp-shooters might within the next few hours be taking position. It might be our misfortune to have to fight our way back - who could tell?"

Among those so preoccupied was Private Smith, who briefly mused on Custer's fate under similar circumstances earlier that year, but then realized . . .

Dawn, November 25

...but I did not feel a bit shaky. I don't [k]now why eather. I never took my over coat off for it was to cold. It was now day light and we started. We had room in the Pass to go in colloms of fours and the Indins at the head. We had not gone far when I looked up and saw an Indin on top of a big rock. He firred one shot and that was a signal that the Ball had opend. He was there as a sentinal for the camp, I suppose. He mounted his pony and lit out. It was now that our Indins set up the war hoop. This was the first time I had ever hird it in earnest. Then I was wild with excitement.

We started now on the charge but jest as we got near the camp, the Indines [auxiliaries] turned up on the side of the mounten and this left us right to the front. Well this did not stop the Genroll and we dashed on. Now there was a bout 10 of us a way a hed of the

collom. When the Indins [Northern Cheyennes] saw the Indins on the hill and they all turned out and commenced a heavy fire on them. They had not seen us yet. When we were wright in to the camp, the Genral looked around and says We were all a lone. He goot a little excited and says go back and tell them companys to charge in hear. I went my self and went on the jump. I would of dashed into the camp if he had told me to jest now for the Bullets were flying every way mity thick too. I had my pistell in my hand and felt a little rattled, I must say, for this was the first time I had ever hird them so close.

As I was going around a hill I saw an old Indin and a boy makeing for the hill. I took a shot at him with my pistell and he caught hold of his leg and limped off. I don't know weather I hit him or not. As I come to each company, I told them what the Genrall sed and they dashed off at

leighting [lighting] speed. It seemed if the horses had goot new life. When I goot to the last Company I turned back and I never hird such a thunder of horses in all my life, for it was all rocks where we were.











At the head of the thundering column rode the Shoshone and Bannocks on one side, with the Pawnee on the other, and the Sioux, Cheyenne, and Arapahoes in the center. Within several hundred yards of the village, Colonel Ranald Mackenzie ordered Major Frank North and his Pawnee scouts to cross from the south bank of the Red Fork to the north in order to join the main body and to avoid the dangers of dividing the force. This, North later complained, slowed the charge, particularly when some Pawnee ponies became mired down in the creek bed, allowing the Northern Cheyenne more precious time to evacuate their families. Meanwhile, Private Smith hurried back toward the village after relaying his message to the white soldiers to quicken their pace:

...as I come into the camp [the Northern Cheyenne village] and looking for the Gen., I looked up on a nole [knoll] wright over the camp and saw a man drest suit of Buckskin. I could not help but stop and watch him fireing into the Indins. It turned out to bee a scout they called Leittle buck Shot. One hundred of such men as him could whip more Indins than all the command poot together. Well I found the Genrall at last and saw the M company scatter off. I then hird someone say Leut [John] McKiney was shot. But not a word of lots of privits that I could se laying a round dead.

The General says go over and tell Capt. [Wirt] Davis to make a charge with his company and take a hill. Jest as I goot there I hird some thing go pot and one of the men wright by me throde up his hands and droped off his horse. I got out of hear and then watched the Company make the Charge. It was nice, for they all hung togeather like one man. They took

a hill wright where Leut. McCinney was shot and cild [killed] a grate many Indins hear.

I went to the Gen. now and followed him a round. We were standing still once and the boollets were flying thick. When a fellow by the name of Foster, one of the Ordleys, wrode up to me and says move around Smith or you will git shot. This is some thing I had never thought about before, for I was to much excited looking at some of the rest of the boys gitting shot and beeing carried down to Hospitle. I forgot to say that when the Indins saw so meny soldiers comming over the hill they broke and run for the hills and this left us in a cross fire all day. When the Indins broke the squaws and young ons lit out for the timber and goot away.

As the sun rose over the battlefield, various companies took position to prevent the Cheyenne from slipping in behind the troops and attacking the invaders from the rear. Others stormed through the village to force out sharpshooters still within, while another company occupied a small fringe of timber just beyond the village. Frank North and the Pawnee took possession of the mostly abandoned village itself. Although, as Smith noted, nearly all the women and children had been spirited out of the lodges and into the surrounding hills, the Cheyenne fighters did not retire from the field altogether. Instead, they held onto their natural fortifications in the high rocks, continued to level their careful aim at the soldiers and their allies, and waited for nightfall when they might withdraw their families under cover of darkness. In the meantime, Private Smith and the other orderlies were released from their duties:

The boolets came so thick that the Generol said you orderlys need not follow me around any more. So that left us to go where we wanted to. So I went down in among the teepees to see what I could find. For the Pawneys were plundering the camp. I went into one teepe and hear I found an old squaw with a nice pipe. Well thinks I I must have that and so I make moshens to let me see it. But she would not do it. I could of shot hir but did not like to that so when she stuck it out a little to one side I made a grab and caught it bowl and she hung onto the stem. She would of made at me now but I stuck my pistell in her fase and she did not like the looks of it and she lade down and roled up in a nice Buflow robe. I had a noshen to take that, but I went out and left hire to her fate.

I poot the pipe in my pocket and went over to company that had there horses in a river and left mine there and climed up on a hill where I could se all that was going on. I now thought I would take a few shots at some Indins I saw about 1 thousand yards off. I fired the shots I had in my belt and then, as I was lying there on my belley, I feel asleep.

While Smith slept, Mackenzie, determined to save ammunition, gave stringent orders to stop all the firing except at close range. During the long standoff only occasional exchanges of gunfire broke the eerie quiet. One soldier lifted his head and shoulders and immediately attracted the attention of Cheyenne rifleman who, in Lieutenant Bourke's words, "put a bullet through his jaws; knocked him senseless against the bank in front of him. The blood from his wound poured down his throat and chocked him to death. "

Even more dramatic was an event that Private Smith did not apparently witness but that greatly impressed Lieutenant Bourke (and perhaps ignited his imagination in retelling it for publication):

There was one notably daring warrior or chief, a powerful looking man, riding a fine white horse and himself bearing on his left arm a circular shield of buffalo hide and upon his head a war bonnet, whose pendant eagle plumes swept the ground at his horse's feet. Bullets struck the ground before him, behind him, beside him; the air groaned with the ominous whistles of death's messengers; but each and all spared the grim Cheyenne who serenely rode along the front of our line, venting derision in the teeth of his foes, until the cool, deadly aim of Lieutenant Allison, of the 2d Cavalry, knocked him lifeless from his charger.

Before the cheers from the whites and their Indian allies had died away, there issued from the Cheyenne line a young warrior gorgeous in his decorations of feathers, mounted upon a spirited pony, and bearing also upon his left arm a shield of buffalo hide, hardened in the fire and decorated with the plumage of the bald headed eagle. This brave Cheyenne

charged recklessly into the face of death, scorning the bullets which made the air hot around him, and chanting loudly the war-song proclaiming his determination to save from profane hands the corpse of his comrade and friend. On he flew, whipping into more energetic movement the faithful beast whose instinct warned it of imminent peril. Much sooner than it had taken to write this paragraph, he was bending over the bleeding form of the red-skinned Ajax, who defiance was still sounding in our ears. Many were the expressions of admiration from our side as he lifted the across the withers of the pony, and then springing lightly into the saddle, plied vigorously the quirt (or Indian whip of leather) and turned to regain the friendly shelter of the rocks and gulches.

Escape seemed secure, but fate was only mocking the poor wretch. In war, business is business, and bullets must fall upon the just and injust, the cowardly and the brave.

Almost within a handshake of his people, the heroic Cheyenne and his sturdy pony, freighted with so precious a burden, bore testimony to the precision of our marksmen, and fell pierced many wounds. They had been comrades in battle and in campaign; and in death they were not divided. "Greater love than this hath no man that he lay down his life for his friend.






A small, grassy plateau separated soldiers from Cheyenne. When Private Smith awoke from his nap, he too raced his horse across this flat:

I don't [k]now how long I lay there but when I woke wright on my right side lay a fellow on his back ded with his mouth open. You bet started to git away from hear. But found I could hardley move for my leg was stiff. I limped off and found my hors and set there a while rubing my leg. I did not [k]now what to do for I did no want to go to the doctor with a little thing like this. Soo I goot on my horse and started across a flat and I believe there was one hundred shots fired at me. But I did not notice for I was in sutch pane I did not care weather I goot shot or not.

I now went down behind our and bathed my leg the creek and this made me feel better. I then sat there awhile and goot up and started to find hed quarters. I met the Genral and he asked me if I had been shot. I told him no and he sed no more. I went past the hospitle and round the hill and here I found the boys. They were had there dinner and the Pack

trane had goot in. So I goot myself something to eate the bite in 24 ours [hours]. As soon as I eat I fed my little horse for he was near gone up. Some of the boys were mity sick [wounded] and I did not say mutch about my leg.

The Indins had stuck up a white flag two or three times in the days but the Genral did not see it and the boys would shoot at it.

About this time Frank Gurrard [Grouard] our scout came up and sed that the Indins sed if the soldiers would stop firring that they would. So the Genrol gave orders to cease firring. Now everything was quiet and pooty soon there was a white flag and the Gen. told Gurrard to go and se what they wanted. They told him if the Gen. would give them their Poyenes [ponies] that they would Surrender. But the Gen. told them he could not give there ponies. So they told him to come and take that he had cild [killed] most all of them and he could cill the rest. I gess there had been about 100 cilld and I don't [k]now how many wounded.

By this time everyone knew clearly that the Northern Cheyenne did not intend to surrender. After consulting with officers and Indian allies, Mackenzie decided to move all captured ponies and destroy the village. Although tempted to charge up the mountain in order to drive the Northern Cheyenne out of the rocks, Mackenzie weighed the possible gains of such a move against the loss of human lives. Deciding against such a strategy, he sent for help from Crook and the infantry, whose more powerful rifles could be brought to bear upon the Cheyenne in the strongholds, should they still be there the next morning and the days after that.

Meanwhile, Private Smith decided to take one more stroll through the village:

Well, there was no more firring done to amount to anything and I took a walk down among the teepes. Our Indins had birnt a good menney of them. I came to the teepe where I had goot the pipe in the morning. And hear I saw the old squaw shot all to pieces. I found after words that some of the boys in my company had done it for to get the Buffalow robe. I saw lots of ded Indins now lying a round all over. I went back and watched the boys carring in the ded and wounded some skelpt and some striped if their clothing. Among them was 3 out of our company one by the name of Kellie [Edward Kelly] was kild and two by the nams of Strick [Augustus Strick] and Buck [Edwin S. Buck] were wounded.

Altogether, one officer and six enlisted men died in the engagement, while twenty-five soldiers and Indian scouts were wounded. The number of Northern Cheyenne killed and wounded was more difficult for army officials to determine, but Colonel Mackenzie reported twenty-five enemy dead, while Lieutenant W. P. Clark estimated two Cheyenne women and fourteen men were killed. The most crushing to the Cheyenne, however, came with the destruction of their village at the hands of the army and its Indian allies. Colonel Mackenzie had learned on the southern plains the importance of thoroughly destroying villages as a wartime measure. Now he brought that lesson to wintry Wyoming, where it would have an even deadlier effect.

This village consisted of about two hundred lodges, most of them canvas, some of them buffalo hide. Bourke maintained that each was a virtual "magazine of ammunition, fixed and loose, and a depot of supplies of every mentionable kind." He was a military man with an ethnologist's sensitivities, and so he understood that every lodge was also a Cheyenne home and a place of beauty. As the soldiers and scouts began their ruinous purpose on the afternoon of November 25, Bourke lamented that men "detailed upon a work of destruction have no time for indulgence in the contemplation of the aesthetic development of savages . . . wiping off the face of the earth many products of aboriginal taste and industry which would have been gems in the cabinets of museums." They hastily dismantled the tipis, split the lodgepoles into smaller fragments, and flung them onto the fires, Bourke wrote, "it is no rhetorical flourish to call them funeral pyres of Cheyenne glory.

To the Northern Cheyenne, who watched their homes burn from the vantage of their rimrock refuge, the scene must have deepened their growing sense of despair. In the frightful excitement of the soldiers, stampeded at dawn, most women and children secured safe positions in the mountains above the village, but as they fled their homes they had failed to grab robes and blankets for protection from the cold. Brave Wolf and others eventually built fires to provide for those who were nearly half frozen. As they huddled near the flames, then, they watched the soldiers and Indian allies below burn their tipis, their winter provisions, their robes, their clothing - everything they owned.

At this point, the Northern Cheyenne turned to the power of the Sacred Arrows. Men and women gathered around Black Hairy Dog, Sacred Arrow keeper, who found a vantage point above the village. There he spread white sage on the ground, took the Sacred Arrows from their kit-fox - skin wrapping, and laid them in a row upon the sage so that the arrows faced the distance enemy soldiers and scouts.

Black Hairy Dog stamped the ground four times and made noises reminiscent of a buffalo, while the others shouted in defiance and stamped the ground as well. These sounds encouraged the other Cheyenne, who fought with renewed courage, for they now knew the power of the Sacred Arrows was turned against their foe.

At one point during the battle, a lone Indian rode out from the ranks of the invaders, carrying a large amount of ammunition. He reached a knoll not far from where Black Hairy Dog was pointing the Sacred Arrows toward the enemy. The Cheyenne recognized him as Old Crow, on of their own, one of the esteemed Council of Forty-four, who was now scouting for the soldiers. Old Crow shouted, "I must fight with [i. e. against] you, but I am leaving a lot of ammunition on the hill." Later the Cheyenne found a huge pile of cartridges there, but for years after they scorned this chief, who they believed had betrayed his own kinsmen.

Of these human dramas, Private Earl Smith remained oblivious. To him, the Northern Cheyenne were anonymous targets. He did not know their names, their faces, their families, or their pasts. Nor did they know his. It was only when confronted with an individual Cheyenne, the old woman in her lodge, that he at least momentarily grasped their humanity. And in that brief collision with reality in the form of a decrepit woman unable to flee for her life, he encountered his own humanity, for he could not bring himself to kill her, even though she was, ostensibly, an "enemy." One can only speculate what he thought of the "boys" who did kill her "to get the buffalo robe."

What he did record was a poem that allowed him to transcend thoughts of bloodshed, tragedy, and even murder in order to present the battle as a heroic event. To see the day's activities as honorable, moral, and even noble certainly met the psychological needs of Private Smith and some others who fought with him. Smith and the other soldiers had functioned as professionals who found personal and group actions worthy of glorification. They avenged the death of other Anglo-American soldiers. They did their job, were victorious, and perhaps most significantly, they survived unharmed.

The Red Rock Canon Fight

William Earl Smith
Twas in camp we lay as you quickly shall hear
Mckenzie came to us and bade prepare
Saying saddle your horses by the setting sun
For the Indians were laying in Red Rock Canon.

We saddled our horses and away we did go
Over rivers of ice and mountains of snow
To the Red Rock Canon our course we did steer
It was the Fourth Horse who had never known fear.

We rode all night that night 'til the daylight did break
When we heard from the Cheyenne the Pawnee did take
But the squaws they escaped, papooses and all
For we wasn't in time to capture them all.

The Indians formed up, the fight it began
They thought they could frighten the bold white men
With our glistening arms right at them we sped
They turned tail about, to the rocks they all fled.

We soon overtook them as frightened they fled
Cut off the long hair they wore on their heads
"No mercy" "No mercy" so loud was our cry
Have vengeance for Custer brave soldiers or die.

Mid snow on the rocks the Indians lay dead
Over thirty were scalped and the rest of them fled.
Six hundred dragoons made thousands to yield
Their chiefs soon likewise lay dead on the field.

McKenzie came to and this he did say
"I think you brave boys for your valor today."
Catch up your horses and feed everyone
For the fight it is over and the battle is done.

"Here's success to McKenzie" so endeth our stave
Likewise Captain Hamphill an officer brave
With full flowing glass we'll drink and let wring
Success to the Fourth horse so loud let us sing.

The 25 of November my boys was the day
When six hundred dragoons made those Indians run away
Although they did number eight hundred or more
We'll drink and we'll sing now the battle is O'er.

The army troops fought, the poem argues, not to force Cheyenne surrender of the Powder Rover country so that Anglo-Americans might claim it, but to avenge George Armstrong Custer and his soldiers. Lest one think this interpretation was the stuff of only enlisted mens' folklore, Lieutenant Bourke's account included a detailed listing of all artifacts found within the Northern Cheyenne Village that implicated some of these in the June 25 fight on the Little Bighorn, as well as the scalps of two young girls (one Caucasian, and the other a Shoshone), a buckskin bag containing the right hands of twelve Shoshone babies, and necklace of human fingers. To the American soldiers, and to the Shoshone auxiliaries, these articles alone justified the punishment meted out to the Northern Cheyenne that day.

To be sure, the Northern Cheyenne did not see matters the same way. The saddles and canteens branded with Seventh Cavalry insignia, the scalps, the necklace - all represented Cheyenne victories over constant enemies who had, on other occasions, done the same to them. Some of their enemies scalped Northern Cheyenne on this day as they lay upon the battlefield.

And what, some may have thought, could be more cruel than destroying Cheyenne homes in the winter and putting the torch to all their beautiful things? "Never again," wrote one historian, "would Northern Cheyenne material culture reach the heights of richness and splendor that the people knew before that bitter day in the Big Horn's."

As night fell, the Pawnee assumed their post in the ransacked village where sharpshooters from the mountainside allowed them little sleep. The Shoshone scouts did not rest either as they wept and sang. They were grieving because they reasoned (from things found in the village) that they Cheyenne had just returned from destroying one of their villages in the Wind River range. Finally, Private Smith and Colonial Mackenzie, too, spent a troubled, restless night in the valley of the Red Fork:

November 25
It was near nite now and the Gen. says boys make down your bedds a long here in a row for the Indins will atact [attack] us a gane to night. This camp was in kind of a bason and a fine stream runing threw it wright in the senter of the Big horn Mtn. On both sids the mountanes rose up 1 thousand feet high and off red rock and at one end was a long hill covered with fine trees. This is where all the squoows goot out and we could not take the woods.

They put a strong gard on to nite and I went to bed more ded than alive. We were rite near the hospitle and I could hear that wounded groneing all nite. I could not sleep mitch for my leg now was gitting worse and every time I woke I could see the Genrall walking up and down. I don't believe he got he slept a bit that nite. His mind must have been trubled about some thing. I don't [k]now what, for he is the bravest man I ever saw. He don't seem to think any more about boolets flying that I would about snowballs. We had in all cilled 11 and wounded 28. This mad quite a lot. Well, this ended the 25 of Nov. and I was glad to see Nite.

This article is an excerpt of Sagebrush Soldier - Private William Earl Smith's View of the Sioux War of 1876. Ms. Smith, a history professor and prolific western history author, writes around diary entries made by her great-grandfather, Pvt. William Earl Smith, during the Sioux Wars of the late 1870's. Professor Smith does an excellent job in a truly unbiased observation of her great-grandfathers writing, the native Americans, the soldiers, and the situations. This excerpt is only one day in the life of Pvt. Smith. There is much more to read.

Suggested reading from our bookstore:

Native American Accounts

The following represent accounts of the Dull-Knife Battle as shared by various members of the Northern Cheyenne Indian Tribe.


Iron Teeth

In the aftermath of the Little Bighorn Battle, most of the northern Cheyenne traveled south, seeking familiar recesses along the headwaters of the Tongue and Powder rivers in Wyoming Territory. As winter approached, the followers of chiefs Dull Knife and Little Wolf found shelter and security from the soldiers along tributaries in the Big Horn Mountains. While Miles continued his operations along the Yellowstone, Crook's army again took the field, and on November 25 his cavalry, commanded by Colonel Ranald S. Mackenzie, discovered Dull Knife's village and launched a dawn attack. The battle proved to be one of the largest engagements in the war and effectively ended Northern Cheyenne participation in the conflict. Surviving Cheyenne fled north to find succor with Crazy Horse's Oglalas in Montana; others gravitated toward agencies and eventually surrendered.

Reminiscent Cheyenne testimony of the Dull Knife battle is provided in four statements. That of the Northern Cheyenne woman, Iron Teeth, was taken by Thomas B. Marquis in 1929, when she was ninety-five years old. Her account presents a noncombatant perspective on the fighting and something of a context in describing events immediately preceding and following the battle. It is excerpted from Marquis, "Red Ripe's Squaw," Century Magazine 118 (1929)

In the middle of the summer we heard that all of the soldiers had been killed at the Little Bighorn River. . .

My husband said we should [leave Red Cloud Agency and] go join our people there. We went, and all of our people spent the remainder of the summer there [Montana], hunting, not bothering any white people nor wanting to see any of them. When the leaves fell, the Cheyenne camp was located on a small creek far up the Powder River.

Soldiers came (November 25, 1876) and fought us there. Crows, Pawnee, Shoshone, some Arapahoe, and other Indians with them. They killed our men, women, and children, whichever ones might be hit by their bullets. We who could do so ran away. My husband and sons helped in fighting off the soldiers and enemy Indians. My husband was walking, leading his horse, and stopping at times to shoot. Suddenly, I saw him fall. I started to go back, but my sons made me go on, with my three daughters. The last time I ever saw Red Ripe, he was lying there dead in the snow. From the hilltops we Cheyenne saw our lodges and everything in them burned.

We wallowed through the mountain snows for several days. Most of us of us were afoot. We had no lodges, only a few blankets; there was only a little dried meat food among us. Men died of wounds, women and children froze to death. After eleven days of this kind of traveling we found a camp of Oglala Sioux. They fed us, but the rest of that winter was a hard one for all of us.


Various Cheyenne Recollections

The following narrative integrates the recollections of several Cheyenne interviewed by George Bird Grinnell during a tour of the Dull Knife Battlefield on June 30, 1916. It reposes in Field Notebook 354 of the Grinnell Collection, Braun Research Library, Southwest Museum, Los Angeles.

The troops came in east up creek. Hairy Hand says they heard the shooting from a long way down the creek, but this is probably wrong, for the soldiers charging the village would be shooting off guns in the air at nothing. Fisher's widow, the aunt-in-law of Willis [Grinnell], says the shooting did not begin until troops or scouts were almost at the village. The men with me [Grinnell] said that Crow Split Nose warned the camp shortly that soldiers were coming, but women say that it was a man named Meat. The camp began about opposite the red butte on north side of stream and near it, and extended up the stream. The lodge occupied by Willis' aunt was close under the clump of box elders still standing on south of stream. Nshka after she was lost by family set out to run toward the breastworks on the north side of river and well up toward head of a little wash and in open plain. As she was running a young man charged down and called to her to turn to her left and run up the stream. He passed her and then turned apparently intending to run by her and pick her up and carry her to safety, but just then her father, Elk River, who was looking for her, came along and took her in charge.

Braided Locks who early in the fight was shot through the body turned to walk away to shelter and as he went the balls fell so thickly about him that to him "it seemed as if I was walking on bullets."

Hairy Hand was fighting with a friend and the soldiers for so close that they had to retreat. Just as they started the friend was shot through the leg just below the knee and fell. Hairy Hand went on a hundred yards and then thought he must not leave his friend there. He turned and ran back and carried his friend away. He did not carry him all the way on his back for the man could hop along a little on his good leg while the other leg swung free.

Crow Split Nose was killed just about where the road passes along under the foot of the butte on which the Shoshone scouts were - south side of the stream - but the stone put there by the Cheyenne to mark the place has been moved. His body was rescued by Dog Hotam e wi (the dog said - or perhaps spoke). When they first charged up to take it away the fire was so hot that they could not take it. They did, however, put about a blanket that they had brought. This wrapping in a blanket seems to be part of a burial ceremony. Ask as to this. The firing at these men was not from the scout on the red butte above them - Shoshone - for the Cheyenne were so close under the bluff as to be out of sight of these men. It must have come from, some other group of troops across the creek. The second time Dog and his men rushed up to take the body they were successful and carried the man off. . .

After getting an idea of the field from the high points, we went down to the valley and after meeting Mrs. Graves, whose ranch was is on the battlefield, we crossed the creek and walked over the field. We saw where Lt. McKinney fell, where Bull Hump fought, where long Jaw was cornered and was helped out by the 20 men in war bonnets, and where 6 young men were killed close under the mountain. Braided Locks had a friend among these young men who was killed after fighting for some time behind a cedar tree. Braided Locks went over there to see if he could find the tree but only found the stump. It has been cut down for fence posts.

Dog and a friend were fighting from a certain point near the northwest corner of the valley and Dog went there to find some shells of his if he could. He found none but he did find one or two of those fired by his friend. These were rather long .35 caliber and of brass. Was there not a Winchester if this size made about that time?

Different members of the party must have picked up 40 or 50 cartridge shells, many of copper and some of brass. Most were centre fire but without a primer. One short rim fire shell looked like and old 14 gr. .44 Henry rifle. One unused shell has a primer in it. It was a Springfield carbine cartridge, I think. Some of these shells might be shown to the Winchester company's expert or experts at Frankford Pa. arsenal.

At the upper - west - end of the valley the stream forks and it was up the northwest branch which flows through a deep narrow canon that the women and children fled. As soon as they had turned to the right and out of range of the bullets, the women stopped and climbed up to the easterly brink of the canon and there began to build breastworks. They seem to have feared that the large body of troops, whites, and Indians intended to follow them up and exterminate them. They therefore made preparations to fight ever foot of the way, and it is not likely that they could ever have been driven from this position. At all events they made ready to fight, but during the night retreated up the mountain side. On a high grassy slope between the forks of the creek, southwest of where of where the women retreated to, there was a large number of horses feeding that had not been disturbed by the battle. They remained here, a few days later and some of the Cheyenne returned and discovered all the horses.

The women say the greatest suffering of the fight was the climbing the mountain at night. A man led each group of women and children that struggled up the steep ascent.


Beaver Heart

The account by Beaver Heart, Cheyenne, was given in 1934 at the dedication of a Daughters of the American Revolution (DAR) marker on the Rosebud battlefield. Beaver Heart was nineteen years old at the time of the Dull Knife battle. His account is excerpted from an unpublished typescript, "They Fought Crook and Custer," by Jack Keenan, Miscellaneous Articles, Wyoming Work Projects Administration, Wyoming State Archives and Historical Department, Cheyenne.

"[We learned] ahead of time that soldiers were coming," recalled Beaver Heart. "Many people meant to go into the mountains. Fox soldier chief, Last Bull (the man charged with defending the camp), says, 'No, we stay here.' So we stayed." In the light of later events, this was a tactical error. The camp knew Mackenzie's column was coming up stream. Yet, strangely, the Indians spent the night of November 25 [November 24] dancing. It was nearly dawn when they broke up and went to bed.

Gray light was seeping into the canyon when the charge came. The thunder of hoofs and the war chants of the enemy scouts awoke the village. Rifles and pistols took up their song of death.

"I rush from my lodge," Beaver Heart is signing. "I am naked. It is very cold. I run for my life. Soldiers everywhere. No time to snatch up even a robe. Pawnee and Shoshone shooting at me. I run faster up the canyon toward the mountain side. Many of my people dead. Others run with me."

The story of that rout will live as long as red children listen to the old men's tales around gleaming camp fires.

Beaver Heart's account jibes with written history. . He probably was in the lower end of the camp when the attack was launched. The Cheyenne's heaviest loss was suffered here as the Pawnee scouts poured deadly volleys into teepees, killing without discretion all whom they contacted. A few of the warriors in the upper end of the village had time to buckle on cartridge belts and seize their guns. These organized a resistance and held off the invaders until women and children got to improvise breastworks on the mountain side. There the fight continued until darkness and then began a retreat as heroic as any in history.

Cut off from their horse herds, their village in smoking ruins, without food and burdened with women, children and their wounded, these red soldiers eluded their pursuers and marched for three days before they got help.

Even as he spoke, ,shadows came into Beaver Heart's eyes. Those were terrible days. The nights were alive with the cries of men tortured with wounds and women and children dying of cold, During the fighting at the village, Two Moons the younger sneaked into a lodge and picked up three buffalo robes. These were the only coverings for the women and their little ones. Gravely, Beaver Heart recalled how children were warmed back to life by stuffing them into the stomachs of butchered horses.

On the first morning three of the fugitives ran off some Pawnee scouts and recovered about 75 head of their horses. Without these the party probably would have perished. There was no food except horse meat. Cooking utensils had been left behind and destroyed by the soldiers. The meat had to be roasted on beds of coal while sentries watched against fresh attacks.

Many white authorities of such standing as Major North, commander of the Pawnee scouts, say the Indians went down the Powder River to the camp of Crazy Horse. Beaver Heart, and his account fits in with Grinnell's [The Fighting Cheyenne], has a different version. He claims the band followed the ridges of the Big Horn [Mountains] until they reached Lodge Pole creek. They went down this stream to a lake and then crossed to Prairie Dog, or Crow Stand Creek, and followed that to the Tongue River. Here, freezing and half starved, they were found by Crazy Horse's scouts and brought to the Sioux chieftain's village on the Tongue.


Black White Man

The account of Black White Man, who was thirty-one years old in 1876, was given to George Bird Grinnell in 1908. It is in Item 91, "Mackenzie's Fight and Cheyenne War Miscellany," in the Grinnell Collection, Braun Research Library, Southwest Museum, Los Angles.

Black White Man was in Dull Knife's village in 1876 when it was captured. His son, a boy, had then returned from a war party against the Snakes shot in the buttocks, the ball coming out through right thigh.

When the troops charged the village that morning the balls hitting lodges sounded like hail-stones. Black White Man was obliged to saddle the horse for his wife and son. He put them on a horse and told the two to ride away while he ran toward the troops. When he reached a little ridge and looked over he could see the soldiers on the other slope of the ridge crawling up toward the top on their bellies. The Indians fired at them and the soldiers fell back a little. He turned about and looked back at the village and there in front of his lodge. which stood close to the river, he saw a number of his horses that he had tied up the night before running back and forth trying to break their ropes. He ran back to his lodge to cut the ropes and then on foot drove the horses towards the breastworks. On his way he overtook a little boy and went on with him, bullets hit in front and even between his legs, but neither he nor the little boy were hit. He cannot explain how it was. At length they reached the breastworks.

This article is an excerpt of Lakota and Cheyenne - Indian Views of the Great Sioux War, pgs 113-124.

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